The decentralized nature of the Hindu
faith allowed for much diversity in religious worship and practice.
Devotional beliefs, attitudes, and practices diverged widely even
though Hindus generally accepted the fundamental unity of their
faith. There were village deities and shrines. Puja (worship)
was at the heart of Hinduism, and the rituals associated with it
included mantra, music, singing, conch-blowing,
incense-burning, displaying of lamps, receiving darshana
(blessing), performing arathi (waving of the lamps),
circumambulating, the taking of panchamrita (liquid
confection), and prasada (food representing the material
symbol of the deity’s power and grace).1
Early Hindu immigrants working in the
agricultural sector used such resources as were available to
continue their religious practices. They were thrown together with
other migrants who belonged to different castes, languages, and
ancestral regions, and adapted to this new condition as best they
could. Hindus built shrines in their homes where they lit a lamp
daily. Outdoor shrines were popular as they provided communal forms
of ritualized religious worship.2 In time they built
simple temples. Those who completed their indentures moved to other
places, and became part of communities already established and
participated in existing forms of religious worship. A priest was a
necessary part of religious worship. In the Hindu tradition, even a
person who was not of Brahmin birth could claim sufficient knowledge
in spiritual matters and religious practices to become one; and if
one was not available, the community requested the authorities to
allow a priest to be brought from India.3
This chapter focuses on early temples,
festivals, and organizations among Hindu immigrants who made up 80
per cent of the Indian population. They represented expressions of
the Hindu faith in its many forms. Reformist Hindus sought to
introduce what they considered to be pristine Vedic values, and in
the process they did not always agree with Gandhi’s broadly
ecumenical approach to matters of faith.
Early Temples
Hindu temples reflected a desire among
adherents to create a spiritual and religious iconolatry with which
the migrants were familiar. They needed temples adorned with deities
to participate in visuality and ritualism.4 As Meer says,
a Hindu temple “is not so much a place of congregation as it is a
symbol of Divine veneration” in which mantra (verbal)
and the yantra (visual) are integral parts.5 It
was intended to evoke religious ecstasy through, for example, the
depiction of Shiva, the cosmic dancer who produced the vibrations of
life through a small damaru (drum) in one of his
hands.
The early temples were built over a
thirty-five-year period from about 1875 to 1910. There was no
discouragement either from the imperial and colonial authorities or
employers. Indeed, there was active encouragement from some
employers who made donations in the form of land or money, and
allowed time off for religious observances. The earliest temples
were wood-and-iron structures around which individual and communal
rituals took place which sometimes involved blood sacrifices. Such
practices were frowned upon by the Arya Samaj, founded in 1875 by
Swami Dayanand in India, whose aim was to reform Hinduism on Vedic
principles.6 One of the Samaj’s proponents was Professor
Bhai Permanand, who, upon his arrival in Natal in 1905, sought to
cleanse Hinduism of practices he considered excrescent. He
encouraged the establishment of the Hindu Young Men’s Associations
to promote a more reflective kind of Hinduism. The Hindu Thirukootam
Association in Ladysmith, for example, wanted to hold meetings twice
a week to do “preaching.”7 Bhai Permanand was followed by
Swami Shankeranand who continued with the mission of revitalizing
Vedic-based Hinduism. The swami endeavored to end the participation
of Hindus in Mohurram and tried to institutionalize among
indentured Indians the celebration of Diwali, the Festival of
Lights, observed annually by all Hindus. He sought to enlist the
help of the Protector of Indian Immigrants in October 1910, “You
will help them [indentured Hindus] immensely if you stop the Pagoda
day holiday and will substitute the same with one on Diwali.”8
More will be said about Swami Shankeranand later in the chapter.
Such reform Hindu activities were
viewed with suspicion by at least one colonial official. The
official saw erroneously a conspiracy at work among reform Hindus
who, in his opinion, merely sought to promote the expansion of
colonial-born Hindu traders at the expense of the established Muslim
traders. The group likely sought to promote Hindu traders if this
meant that they would also help to spread reform Hinduism.9
In spite of the efforts by the
reformist Hindus, popular forms of ritual worship continued to
flourish within the temples. One such case is the Kavady
festival. The roots of this festival go far back to ancient India.
In Natal, it was celebrated twice during January and February and
again during April and May. The Mariamman Temple in Isipingo Rail
near Durban was built in 1870 as a private shrine of Kandasamy
Moodley, who purchased five acres of land from a sugar estate owner.
He brought a murthi (iconic representation of deity) from
India to place in the temple shrine. This temple has been a popular
site for the Kavady festival, which honors Muruga, also known
as Subrahmanya, the son of Shiva. This is a thirteen-day festival,
the first twelve of which are reserved for cleansing and
purification, and the last for carrying Muruga’s murthi on
kavady (decorated bamboo frames) for installation in the temple.
The decorated bamboo frames represent the penitential burden that
the devotee is prepared to carry. The annual Kavady festival
was to reaffirm faith in Muruga, and to remind devotees of the need
for penitence to remain in his good favor.10
Hinduism
in Natal lists at least 12 temples in Natal that observe
Kavady today.11
Individuals associated with the
construction of temples had knowledge of the main elements of the
Hindu temple, and indeed may have had access to the manuals on
temples known as Mansara or Shilpa Shastra. All of the
builders came from among the migrants themselves. Such temples
served the needs of the poorer class of Hindus. Traditional Hindu
Temples lists six of the more prominent builders who built
several temples.12 There are, of course, a few more that
have been identified. Except for one, all were born in India and
therefore had sound knowledge of the temple structure. There was
some mixing of the two main styles (North and South Indian), and the
local conditions required some adaptations and variations. A temple
was sited generally where space was available. Preference was given,
however, to sites with a western slope allowing for an eastern
approach, or with a river nearby since water was important in the
Hindu system of belief. Such aspects enhanced the significance of
the temple. In terms of siting temples on land that was sacred,
Natal was a new home and did not have the religious history of the
ancestral villages of India. But occasionally that kind of
significance accompanied the selection of a site. For example, the
Mariamman Temple site was reportedly inhabited by nag (the
cobra) closely associated with Shiva.13 This temple is
built on three acres of land with many trees easily affording the
kind of open space around which communal activities could take
place. The Mount Edgecombe Mariamman temple is said to have been
built over an existing anthill.14 Natal was blessed with
terrains that had lush vegetation and trees, and the temple builders
were mindful of their beauty and of their religious significance in
Hinduism. Peepul and banyan trees were added later to
the complex because they have special meaning in Hinduism.
Many of the original wood-and-iron
structures were torn down, and replaced by stone buildings. The
opportunity to rebuild or upgrade was used by the builders to add
iconic visuality as an added dimension to the temple. The incredible
variety of local beliefs and practices in Hinduism was given free
expression in the visual form of the deities, vahanas
(vehicles), astral signs, alters, antechambers, and the
anterala that sheltered the main deity below. Hindus in South
Africa recreated forms of worship they had left behind in India.
Regional variations extant in India are reflected in South Africa’s
traditional temples as well. So, Bhojpuri-speaking Indians from the
Ganges valley named their temples after Vishnu, incarnate of Rama
and Krishna; in South India, Vishnu is referred to as Narayan,
Perumal, or Emperumal. Shiva is worshiped as Nataraja by South
Indians, whose consort is variously known as Parvati, Uma, Durga,
and Kali.
The traditional temples have certain
common features. The deity and sculptures represent divine
manifestation. The rounded domes (sikhara) are North Indian
in style and carry Islamic influence; the conical or pointed or
rectangular domes are South Indian. The cella or mandapa
is where the main sanctuary is located, and the dome is
immediately above the sanctuary. A veranda allows devotees to walk
around the shrine. Peepul, banyan, and palm trees grow in the
compound. The kodi maram is a flag pole on a pedestal
representing a sacrificial altar. Each deity has a vahana
(vehicle). Nandi the bull is for Shiva; the peacock is for
Subrahmanya, or Muruga; the rat stands for Ganesha; the tiger is for
Parvati; the lion is for Draupadi; the lotus is for Saraswathi; and
garuda is for Vishnu. Astrological markers decorate
the structure. Navagraha (the planets) are represented by
black stones. Surya (the sun), Chandra (moon), Venus,
Mars, Jupiter, Saturn are represented. Rahu is the ascending
mode, and Ketu is descending mode of the dragon’s tail.
Visual imagery, then, is significant
for Hindus. Darshana, that is visually feasting one’s eyes,
is an important part of their religious worship. Deities had to be
prominently visible even as Hindus went about their daily business.
Hence temples needed to be centrally located and have bright colors
and elaborate designs. The deities with their respective birds and
animals and forms of human beings mingling with gods provided the
worshipers with a cosmic representation that was familiar and
reassuring. Hindus also felt the need to actively participate in
religious rituals. The traditional temple operated on a ritual-based
popular, rather than philosophical, level. In colonial Natal, the
traditional temples were open to all Hindus.15
Hindu Festivals
Kumar in his
Hindus in South Africa points to eight major Hindu
festivals in South Africa, namely, Thai Pongal, Thai Pusam
(Kavady), Maha Sivaratri, Ramnavami, Krishna
Jayanti (Krisnajanmastami), Diwali (Dipavali),
Parattasi, and Karttikaidipam. Sixty-seven festivals
were observed annually among the Tamil and Telugu speakers alone.
Less well known festivals like Holi, Balev or Rakshabandan were also
celebrated. Ramnavami and Krishnasthmi (or Krishna Jayanti)
observed the births of Rama and Krishna. Hindus read about them in
the two great Hindu scriptures, the Ramayana and the
Bhagavad Gita. Such readings were accompanied by fasting,
prayers, and meditation. Hindus drew from the vast range of kirtans
or bhajans (hymns) to sing the glories of Ishvara (God). The
proceedings usually ended with the taking of prasada.
Diwali was a widely celebrated
festival. It was followed a day or two later by the North Indian
Hindu New Year. South Indians observed the Tamil New Year in April
each year. Those Hindus who had businesses were encouraged to close
their shops, if not for the whole day then at least for part of the
day. Among the Gujaratis, the Hindu New Year began with the exchange
of good wishes, and sometimes with gifts as well. In Durban, one of
the merchants usually offered his business premise or his home which
was nearby as a place of meeting. On one occasion, the Depot Road
temple and the Thakurdwara School combined to mark Diwali. The
“Indra Sabha Natak” put on a play. On another occasion, the Surat
Hindu Association
(SHA) combined with the Kathiwad Arya Mandal (KAM)
for Diwali celebrations.16
As more Hindu organizations came into
place, such celebrations became bigger and better organized. This
was the case with Diwali and New Year celebrations, especially in
Durban and Johannesburg. But even Hindus in Stellenbosch, small as
their numbers must have been, marked the occasion. Indeed, they
reached out to their Muslim neighbors to celebrate Diwali.
Communities banded together or, as in the case of greater Durban,
the celebrations were observed independently by various bodies. C.
P. Lucheram was an influential member of the United Hindu
Association in Cape Town. In 1913, Johannesburg’s Hindus used the
Diwali celebrations to reach out to all, Whites and Muslims, to
appeal for support of the satyagraha campaign.17
Indian Opinion often reported
on religious functions. Katha (religious discourse) or
homa (fire sacrifice) held at the Verulam Gopalal Mandir was
accompanied by religious lectures delivered by Ambaram Maharaj or
Shivcharan Maharaj. Community leaders like Babu Talwantsingh, among
others, were in attendance. If donations were received for one
project or another, the names of donors and the amount they gave
were reported.18 The extent to which religious
observances were followed in individual Hindu homes will never be
known. But they were no doubt substantial. Many had access to the
Panchang (Panchangum in Tamil), a manual based on the
lunar calendar to guide Hindus in their daily lives about the
innumerable events with religious significance from birth to death.
The place of religious worship among
the Hindus was significant. One such place was the Shri Thakurdwara
Temple, better known as Depot Road Temple. It was opened to public
worship in September 1901 with a great deal of fanfare. A huge
marquee was erected to accommodate devotees. The temple was modeled
on the one in Varnasi, and took six months to build at a cost of
£1069. All of the money came from donors. There was a wide verandah,
inner court, and sanctuary with a white dome over it. The side of
the dome facing Depot Road had bas-relief representations of
Bansi Dhar (another name for Krishna) and of Prahlad and Arjuna
who feature prominently in the Hindu epics. Outside of the temple, a
sign in English read, “None but the Hindus shall be allowed to enter
the temple.” The most important part of the ceremony was the
dedication of the temple to the various deities that were to be
housed in its inner sanctums. Priests chanted Vedic mantras as they
carried the deities: Ganesha, the elephant-headed remover of
obstacles, Lakshmi-Narayan, representing both Vishnu, the ninth
incarnation of God, and his consort Lakshmi; and finally Hanuman,
the monkey god whose devotion to Rama is described in the
Ramayana. The reporter did not give any attendance figure, but
noted its colorfulness, “To right and left from every point of
vantage, and right across the flats in the direction of the railway,
a kaleidoscope wave of colour was afforded by the ever-shifting
crowd of Indians, attired in their brightest costumes. Red, white
and gold were the favourite hues, although here and there,
presenting a strangely occidental appearance, might be seen
worshippers, clad in European style.”19
The Depot Road Temple in Durban was a
popular center of activities. Hindus gathered there also to
celebrate Ramnavami, the birth of Lord Rama, an event that
usually took place in March each year. It was marked by discourses
on its significance, singing of kirtans, and the performance of
pujas by hundreds of devotees who attended it.20
Krisnajanmastami
or Krishna Jayanti marked the birth of Krishna, and was
celebrated in August. The 1904 celebrations attracted as many as
1500 devotees that included “Culcuttias, Madrassis, and Gujaratis,”
according to Indian Opinion. Devotees continued to arrive at
the Depot Road temple from the early morning hours to perform
pujas and to participate in organized activities that continued
through the evening and into the night. Ravishanker Bhatt donated
books on religion, including an English translation of the
Bhagavad Gita. The temple activities were financed by donations
and plate collections. Suchit Maharaj’s annual report happily
disclosed that the cost of temple land had been fully paid up, and
that a board of trustees was going to take over its management. The
monthly income and expenditure for August 1904 was £175 and £203
respectively, with over £76 outstanding. Secretary Bhagwatideen
helped with temple work in his spare time.21
On occasions, the Depot Road Temple
was used for other community events. Such was the case when the
Hindi Dilprasang Natak Company performed there.22
Sanathan Dharma Sabha meetings sometimes took place in the Depot
Road Temple. Major religious and/or social events drew hundreds of
people to the temple. There was a crowd of 2000 when Swami
Shankeranand spoke in November 1908.23 A decision was
made to run English classes through the traditional patshala
(vernacular school). A piece of land next to the temple was acquired
for this purpose, and a call went out for donations.24
At this school, known as the Thakurdwara, plays were performed by
the Indra Sabha Natak during Diwali celebrations. The temple’s
pujari, Bhatt Keshavram Ghela, informed the public about prayers
at noon, and bhajans at night to mark the birth of Lord Rama.25
Balev or Rakshabandan, a
North Indian festival that reaffirms the bond between a brother and
his sister, was observed in August 1910, and sixty to seventy were
present. On this occasion, the guest was Swami Shankeranand.26
During the festival known as
Chaitra Purnima, there was a rath (chariot) procession on
Saturday evening at the Umgeni Road Temple. The procession of 3000
to 4000 people went through downtown Durban and ended up at the
temple at 10:30 p.m. The next day (Sunday), the rath
returned to the temple after puja at the Umgeni River. On
this day all 8000 present were fed. The procession went from the
temple to central Durban along Cathedral Road, and West, Queen,
Grey, and Albert Streets before returning to the temple.27
Other temples that featured prominently in the observance of Hindu
festivals were the Lakshmi-Narayan Temple, and Verulam Gopalal
Mandir. The Verulam temple was opened by Gandhi in May 1913,
when he
was given a golden key and a copy of the Bhagavad Gita.28
Hindu Bodies
There were various organizations that
promoted Hindu beliefs and practices. Sanatan Dharma Sabhas placed
emphasis on traditions and rituals; the Ved Dharma Sabhas
were reform-oriented and drew their inspiration from Hinduism’s
philosophical orientation. They became very active in the first
decade of the twentieth century, and some tensions would develop
between these movements. Our sources yielded little information on
popular Hindu traditions among the indentured Indians working on
plantations and farms.
The sabhas were established in Natal,
Transvaal, and the Cape. The activities of the sabhas in Durban,
Pietermaritzburg, Verulam, Stanger, Tongaat (f. October 1906),
Estcourt, Ladysmith, Johannesburg, Kimberley, Port Elizabeth and
other places were reported regularly in Indian Opinion.
African Chronicle reported on the activities of Hindu Young
Men’s Association (HYMA) in Pietrmaritzburg and the Hindu Young
Men’s Society (HYMS) in Durban. The Ladysmith body, established in
May 1908, was called Sanathan Dhurm Soodhur Sabha. This sabha and
other similar bodies aimed to cleanse Hinduism of beliefs and
practices more in line with its lofty Vedic ideals. If the various
sabhas were not organizationally linked, they seemed at least to be
informally connected through common membership.
In Durban, the sabha’s meetings took
place in the Depot Road Temple or at the public library in Grey
Street. Times for meetings were announced, and changes in venue were
reported. Its generally well-attended gatherings began with readings
from the Bhagavad Gita, and were followed by presentations on
selected topics by members or invited guests. Topics listed in
Indian Opinion from July 1904 to July 1906 included: sixteen
Samskara (sacrament), Satsang (Hymns), the Ramayan,
India’s Lofty Path, Manushya Kartvya (Human Duty),
Paropakar (Helping Others), Arya Kartvya (Noble Duty),
Satya Yuga (Age of Truth), Peace, Swadeshabimaan
(National Pride or Patriotism), and Brahmacharya (Celibacy).
The Tongaat body, known as the Hindu Dharma Sabha, organized a talk
on karma, the Hindu belief system of action and reaction.
Satyendrakumar Bannerjee spoke on swadeshi (patriotic
self-reliance or promoting indigenous values), education, and
unity at the Pietermaritzburg sabha. At a Stanger sabha meeting,
Purshottam Desai spoke on swadeshi.29
In Durban, the weekly meetings were
held at 138 Queen Street or at 171 Grey Street. Ambaram Mangalji
Thaker, better known as Ambaram Maharaj, was the president. He had a
flair for writing poetry and won a poetry competition organized by
Indian Opinion.30 Ambaram Maharaj’s name
appeared frequently in connection with Hindu religious activities.
He sang kirtans that he himself had composed, and gave
discourses on the Hindu religion. The sabha usually read from the
Bhagavad Gita. It consulted with Gandhi about establishing a
dharmasala (caravansary) for Hindus.31 It sometimes
invited G. Williams and H. J. S. Bell of the Theosophical Society to
speak on Theosophy.32
The sabhas usually took a leading role
when the annual Hindu festivals were celebrated. The Ladysmith sabha,
for example, celebrated Krishna Jayanti at its temple in
1907, when about 500 Hindus were present. In Benoni, the sabha there
also celebrated Krishna’s birthday. At this gathering, Gandhi, Polak,
MacIntyre, and Pandit Ram Sundar were present. There was music with
the use of such instruments as the harmonium, sitar,
sarangi, and tabla, followed by Vedic puja
rituals. The climax was reached forty-five minutes before midnight
when Krishna was born. The gathering also sang Vande Materam.
On such occasions, it was not unusual for financial contributions by
caste-based bodies. For example, among the donors were darjees
and khatris in Johannesburg.33
Often, the sabhas combined their
religious function with that of providing educational facilities,
especially after the Natal government restricted state education for
Indian children under fourteen. In Tongaat, the leading official of
the sabha was P.B. Desai, who arranged to build a temple, a hall,
and a school on land donated by one of their numbers, Narayan Sami.34
At another of its meeting, the Tongaat sabha gave vartan
(recognition for good behavior?) to 150, and 16 Calcutta brahmans
took upvatti (initiation).35 It was not unusual
for such gatherings to call for donations on special projects.
Often, officials from one sabha asked for help from another Hindu
body, as was the case with Tongaat’s R. M. Sodha, who sought
financial assistance from HYMA in Pietermaritzburg for building a
temple and school. The Tongaat sabha had success in its drive to
build a school and library. In 1908, it handed out certificates to
honor students. In addition, it raised the issue of building a
crematorium for the local Hindu community.36
The Durban sabha challenged young
individuals to become involved in fundraising for a balmandir
(nursery school). The Arya Mandal Yuvak raised chapti
(instant) funds over two weekends. The students collected almost £7,
and 200 pounds of dal and four pounds of rice over four months.37
The Pietermaritzburg sabha followed this example by collecting over
£31 to run a school in Hindi and English with the help of chapti
funds. Port Elizabeth’s sabha announced prizes for students who had
learned religious songs. The New Guelderland sabha established a
school. In Stanger, the sabha ran classes in Tamil and English with
two teachers. Thirty-five 35 pupils, and ten adult indentured
Indians attended classes after work. The sabha asked for donations
to bring out two matriculated teachers from India.38
Taken together, the sabhas did remarkably well in promoting
religious, cultural, and educational needs of the community.39
The Hind Sudhar Sabha (HSS),
founded in 1905 after Professor Permanand’s visit, celebrated its
first anniversary in September 1906.40 Somebody wrote to
the Natal Mercury to say that HYMA and Hind Sudhar Sabha
should unite, and perhaps they did.41 In any event, HSS
cosponsored in July 1909 with NIC, NIPU, Anjuman Islam, Catholic
Young Men’s Society, and Shri Vishnu Temple at Umgeni a petition to
the imperial government against the indentured system, trade and
franchise restrictions, segregated schools, and municipal vagrancy
laws.42 At its annual meeting on June 5, 1910 in Durban,
a special guest handed out awards to pupils in the school run by the
sabha. About 300 guests heard the children take part in the
prayers
and sing songs.43
Hindu Young Men’s Association (HYMA)
was founded in 1905 in Pietermaritzburg. Hindu Young Men’s Society (HYMS)
with similar aims was to be found in Durban with several branches.
HYMA’s leadership was made up entirely of Tamil-speaking Hindus. In
1907 V.R.R. Moodaly was the president.44 Its third
annual meeting in Pietermaritzburg attracted 400 to 500 members,
thanks to the presence of their guest speaker, Swami Shankeranand.45
The association also organized a meeting of Indian Women’s
Association in Pietermaritzburg.46 While the organization
promoted Hinduism among its members through lectures or religious
festivals, it was primarily concerned with promoting Tamil. When
founding member and past president Moodaly returned from a tour of
India that included a visit to Madras, he addressed the association
about the value of promoting Tamil and of educating girls. He had
sent his own daughter for education to India. Moodaly was inspired
by his visit to the Swami Vivekananda Hindu Balika Patsala Chulai.47
Durban Indian Women’s Association president Mrs. K. R. Nayanah spoke
in English on unity, while Mrs. V. R. R. Moodaly spoke in Tamil on
the same subject. This tandem performance was repeated a week later
when Mrs. Nayanah talked about peace in English while Mrs. Moodaly
translated it into Tamil.48 HYMA’s Tamil school, opened
in 1905, had 125 pupils three years later. It also opened a school
in South Coast Junction toward the end of 1910.49
HYMA was not opposed to taking a stand
on political issues. For example, it supported a petition in 1910
for advancing the trading rights of colonial-born Indians, and it
played a role in the creation of the Natal-born Indian Trade
Protection committee. HYMA passed resolutions against age limits in
Higher Grade Indian Schools. It also started a tradition of public
lectures in the city at the corner of Church and Alexander Streets
in Pietermaritzburg on Sunday afternoons. Some of the speakers were
P.V. Naicker, N. Pather, and K. Chettiyar.50
In addition to these two major bodies,
were Durban-based Umgeni Hindu Progressive Society, Malvern Hindu
Sabha, Sanatan Brahman Sabha, and Bhavik Vishnuites. Others in Natal
were the Trikootam Association in Ladysmith and the Gnanvardak Sabha
in Stanger. The United Hindu Association was based in Cape Town,
while the Hindu Dharma Society was located in East London.
The United Hindu Association conceived
its role broadly. It represented Hindu interests in activities that
were not religious. Thus, for example, it joined the British India
League, the Islamic Society, and the Habibia Muslim Society to
welcome the first Governor General to South Africa. When its
president, C. P. Lucheram, moved to Johannesburg, he created a body
with a similar name.51 Many priests from all over Natal
came to attend a meeting of the Sanathan Brahman Sabha in October
1910. They passed resolutions to abolish the £3 tax for women, and
to repeal the 1907 law that was at the center of the satyagraha
campaign in the Transvaal.52 Not much is known about a
third group, namely the Bhavik Vishnuites. Ambaram Maharaj sang
kirtans at its gathering in October 1910.53
There were many sectional bodies that
served regional and/or religious interests, such as the Aryan
Literary Association in Pietermaritzburg and the Gujarati Indian
Association in Kimberley. The first sought to promote moral,
intellectual, and social education, although it is not clear whether
“Aryan” referred to membership or literary pieces;54
the
second represented the political interests of those in Kimberley,
Hindus and Muslims who were Gujarati-speakers.55 A
Gujarati Hindu Society was founded in Johannesburg on October 6,
1906, to organize celebrations around Hindu festivals and added to
its goals the unity between Hindus and Muslims. Other bodies called
for mother-tongue instruction in Gujarati. Shri Hindi Jigyasa Sabha
which had branches Mayville and Sydenham, sought to promote
Hindi as a language, the Devanagri script, and love for the
motherland.56
The Kathiawad Arya Sabha (KAM)
and Surat Hindu Association (SHA) were founded in 1907 and reflected
the regional interests of Gujarati-speaking Hindus. They had much in
common as both pursued cultural and educational goals, but chose to
have two sectional organizations. Committee meetings usually were
held at the home of the president as was the case with KAM’s Damjee
Karsandas.
KAM ran vernacular classes about which
details are not available. It met on occasions to hear M. M. Diwan
who spoke about modern ways in India, or Virjee Damodar who spoke on
“dharma” (devotion and duty), and Ambaram Maharaj who spoke about
satyagraha and sang a song. The meeting ended with prayers,
singing of Vande Materam, and paan-sopari
(refreshments). KAM supported Gandhi’s satyagraha
campaign in 1910 by hosting many meetings to honor those who had
been jailed and/or deported.57
Odhav Kanjee in Durban invited Hindus
from Surat on August 1, 1907, to form an association. They met at
the Victoria Theater. One of those who supported the idea was
Jinabhai Desai who said, “Every kom [cultural community]
establishes mandals (clubs or associations) to promote its
welfare, and they carry out their work well. That is what we must
also do.” Office bearers were elected, a membership fee established,
and soon the organization they created, namely SHA, was searching
for a building that they could use for their meetings as well as to
run vernacular classes and hold cultural events. At its meeting on
December 1, 1910, the SHA announced the purchase of a building from
Sir B.W. Greenacre for £1125. A deposit of £100 was paid. It
publicized a dharmasala fund of £175, of which £50 had
already been collected. The SHA’s building in Victoria Street had
four separate rooms reserved for the temporary use of people going
to or returning from India. In April 1911, sixty-two people used the
facility. At the same time, it reported a debt of £200.
Occasionally, the SHA hosted persons like Vasant Gosai Desai, who
had just returned from India and talked about Paropakar
(helping others). The SHA also showed support for the satyagraha
campaign.58
The religious leaders or members
associated with temple committees often did not shy away from taking
a stand on political issues. Babu Talwantsingh told those gathered
in the Verulam Gopalal Temple not to re-indenture. The United
Patidar Association was a body that served the interests of the
patidar caste. But it did not shrink from playing a political
role. So it honored leading satyagrahis like V. A. Chettiar
and
Sorabjee.59
Nyati or caste thinking was
very prevalent in this period. Observe, for example, the caste
categories used in April 1910 by the Durban Samshaan
Committee of its 59 cremations: 1 koli, 4
dhobis, 3 darjees, 2 mochis, 15 sonis, 2
anavils, 3 kunbis, 1 mooltani, 13 culcuttias,
1 soothar, 1 ganchi, 1 kayasth, 8 madrassis,
2 vanias, 2 vanands.60 Donors who gave to
the satyagraha campaign identified themselves by caste and
took delight in the honor it brought to the group. Thus a man wrote
to say how proud he was that matya kunbis were showing an
interest in the political struggle; others took pride in the
donations made by lewa kunbis and vashnaiva kunbis.
Similarly there are references to dhobis, darjees,
mochis, kolis, and hajams.61
There are frequent references to caste
activities in Indian Opinion. The Natal Anavil Sabha was
founded in 1906.62 An organization called the Vannik
Kstriya Association in Pietermaritzburg declared its intention to
build a temple and to help the poor.63 In Vrededorp,
Johannesburg, fifty-seven members of the Anavil Samaj met on July
14, 1910, to promote nyati goals. Membership fees were
established, and at a later meeting, the group formed itself into a
Transvaal-wide body.64 Patidars in South Africa
followed with keen interest a meeting of patidars in Surat
where they sponsored a boarding house. Some thirty people gathered
at Ramjee Patel’s home to honor achievements by fellow nyati
members.65 The Natal Luwana Nitidharshak Sabha, based in
Durban, was connected to similar organizations in Delagoa Bay and
India. It may have had a branch in Pietermaritzburg. Its main
function was to promote the interests of the luwanas, but it
did contribute financially to the satygraha fund. The
organization delegated Dharmsi Tulsidas Jodiawala to a luwana
conference in Mumbai to participate in discussions about nyati
promoting education, helping the poor, and curtailing needless
expenses for social functions. They also supported a cow protection
program and gave money during times of famine.66 The
darjees in Johannesburg were told that a dharmasala had been
built for nyati members who wished to go on Unaimata
pilgrimage close to Navsari in India.67 The Anavil Mandal
in Johannesburg collected money, among other things, for the purpose
of maintaining a boarding house in Surat.68
Hindus generally cremated their dead,
and so their endeavors to build crematoriums must be seen as part of
their religious faith. Udayshanker, in “Conversation between Two
Friends”, a twenty-one-part novel reproduced in Indian Opinion
in 1911, made pointed references to the lack of cremation
facilities except in the major centers. On this issue, Hindus
without distinctions of caste, language, or region worked together.
They created Hindu samshaan (crematorium) fund committees and
approached city and colonial authorities for permission to build
crematoriums on public land. The committees organized collection
drives to gather funds from Hindu members of the community. Once
the facility was built, appeals for funds were made for its upkeep
and maintenance. In Durban, a caretaker was needed to prevent
vandals from desecrating the facility.
The Indian Opinion reported on
such endeavors in Durban, Verulam, Tongaat, Johannesburg, Pretoria,
Cape Town, East London, and even in Delagoa Bay. The Durban Hindu
Fund regularly published an account. In April 1910, it reported a
balance of just over £5 deposited with the National Bank and
the cremations of sixty-three persons, thirty-eight male adults,
twenty-three female adults, and two children. The Durban Samshaan
Fund appealed for funds for special needs, such as laying pipes for
its water requirement, and for a library which was started by
Ambaram Maharaj. M. M. Diwan was in charge of the fund for many
years, and when he went to India for a visit at the end of 1912, J.
B. Mehta took over.69 In Johannesburg, Hindus met on
August 25, 1910, and decided to submit a request to the colonial
secretary for a plot of land next to a cemetery in use to build a
crematorium with the help of Gandhi’s services if he was available.
Two years later, the city allocated a piece of land so long as the
facility was shared by non-Hindus.70
Swami Shankeranand
and Gandhi
Swami Shankeranand was
important in many of these developments. He followed in the
footsteps of Professor Permanand who was associated with the
Dayanand Anglo-Vedic (DAV) College in India and who had visited
South Africa earlier. Professor Permanand promoted the ideas of
Arya Samaj and the Dayanand Society in his appearances all over
South Africa from August 1905 to March 1906. In 1914 his book
entitled Tarikh-in-Hind was banned by the government of India
as he argued in it that the 1857 Revolt was justified. He was
prosecuted in 1915 under the Defence of India Act, even though the
evidence against him was slender, and transported to a penal colony
for life.71
A fund was established in March 1908
to bring Swami Shankeranand to South Africa by Lala Mokhamchand and
others like Heera, Parshotam Gopal, and Vallabh Laljee. By June
1908, over £50 was collected.72 Swami Shankeranand was
born in Jullundar, Punjab in 1868. He was the son of Pundit Tulsidas
Shastri who was a professor at the Oriental College in Lahore. The
swami was educated at a mission school, and the DAV College. He was
married for a short time before becoming a celibate. His guru was
Swami Atmanandji of New Delhi. In 1891, Shankeranand founded the
Society of Celibates, preached against child marriages in 1894,
founded the SAS High School, and in 1896 became a sanyasi
(renunciate). Shankeranand spoke
Hindi, Urdu, Persian, Gujarati,
Sanskrit, and understood Bengali, Marathi, and English.
Shankeranand insisted that he was not
formally a member of the Arya Samaj. Though he differed in various
ways from Professor Permanand, he stressed the Vedic base of
Hinduism. He was very popular among South African Hindus. In the
three months after his arrival, he was invited to many places to
present discourses on Hinduism and to perform religious ceremonies.
He spent a night at Phoenix in October 1908 and was also honored at
a reception in Congress Hall, Durban. Among the 1000 guests present
were some Theosophists like Williams and Bell. Shankeranand was
garlanded by Williams and by Lala Mohkhamchand who was the chief
organizer. R.R. Moodley was the chairman of the Reception
Committee. Tamil girls recited a hymn. Shankeranand read from the
Koran and stressed that Christians, Hindus, and Muslims were
equal. At a Sanathan Dharma Sabha meeting on October 18, 1908,
Shankeranand gave a commentary on Chapter 18 of the Bhagavad Gita.
In Overport at which a crowd of 500, including some Muslims, were
present, he spoke on “Man’s Duty.” At another meeting in the
Congress Hall organized by the Durban Theosophical Society, he spoke
on the “Practical Religious Life.” Later he spoke at the same venue
on the “Hindu Conception of Morality.”
Shankeranand addressed 2000 worshipers
at the Depot Road Temple. When HYMA celebrated its third anniversary
in Congress Hall in 1908, the swami gave a sermon to six hundred
persons. Yagna (sacrifice) was performed, and speeches were
made in Tamil. The swami urged women to train young minds by opening
schools and libraries and by providing children with physical
education. He advised Hindus to lead sober lives, which among other
things, meant abstaining from alcohol. The swami was particularly
worried about Hindus who were turning to Christianity. Focus on
self-improvement, he charged them, and there would be no need to
convert to another religion. This theme would be repeatedly stressed
in many of his addresses during his stay in South Africa.73
Swami Shankeranand continued his
travels in Natal to talk about religion. At many of the places he
visited he combined discourses on religion with the performances of
yagna. At the Verulam temple at which 2000 people were
present, Shankeranand spoke about dharma (devotion and duty).
Hindus should not reject other religions but should steadfastly
observe their own. If Whites scorned Indians, it was because Indians
had failed to follow the true path of their own faiths. He visited
again the Phoenix Settlement. On January 3, 1909, the swami spoke to
over 1200 Hindus at Umgeni temple where he reminded them to honor
God, perform yagna, honor their parents, give to
charity, and respect all living creatures.74
In Durban, he was a guest of Hillary
White where he spoke on atma (soul); at the Congress Hall he
lectured on dharma, and he was present at an Indian Chamber
of Commerce meeting also attended by Gandhi. He performed a
vasant panchmi puja associated with the first day of
Spring, and pointed out that ignorance, pride, and selfishness were
the main cause of grief. When he returned to Verulam he said that
suffering was the fruit of karma. Hindus should engage in
sadhna (worship). Chant the Gayatri mantra, do
agnihotra (fire sacrifice), and listen to the recitation of the
shastras (scriptures). Later in the month, Shankeranand
spoke to about thirty people at a HYMA meeting in Pietermaritzburg.
His busy schedule in 1909 continued: February 26 at Babu Ganpatti
Singh’s home, February 27 at the Vishnu Mandir, February 28 at
another Hindu temple, March 5 at the Natal Creamery Hall, and March
6 at the Krishna temple. On March 10 he was at Howick Falls where he
talked about Ved dharma at the farm of Thakor Dasarath Singh;
two days later, he was at Dr. Marsh’s house where he spoke on
moksha (spiritual liberation); and on March 14, he did
havan-kriya (sacrificial ritual) at the home of Narsibhai in
New Scotland and talked about para (knowledge of the earth)
and apara (knowledge of Brahman).
In April, Shankeranand was called upon
to mediate in the quarrel within HYMA. As a result, seven HYMA
members who had been expelled were taken back after offering an
apology. The swami appealed for unity among Hindus and Muslims in
Pietermaritzburg. We do not know the circumstances of the appeal,
but a unity pact was signed by Muslim traders Amod Bhayat and M.J. Mahomed, and ex-indentured Hindu landowner C. Nulliah. Shankeranand
was also present in Pietermaritzburg on Emperor’s Day to express
loyalty to the monarch on behalf of Vedic religion followers at the
Ved Dharma Sabha Hall in Church Street. He spoke about the benefits
of British rule to India, especially under Queen Victoria. At
Washbank he helped to establish a Ved Dharma Sabha. At Ramsevek
Singh’s place he performed havan-kriya.75 In
Tongaat, the swami spoke at P. B. Desai’s place on nitya karma
(daily living). Ambaram Maharaj spoke on swadharma (own
faith or duty). The next meeting took place at A. A. Gandhi’s place
in Tongaat, followed by one at the Ved Dharma Sabha building.76
The swami also took up the cause of
the education of Indian children, especially the indentured, since
he believed that they were not getting any. He appeared before a
commission in 1909 to speak on education. He testified that only
five per cent of the Indian children were getting formal education
and was scathing about the “racial prejudice” inherent in Indian
children being cut off at age fourteen from educational benefits. He
championed the cause of indentured Indians whose children should
receive “free and compulsory” education from the state. This was not
the responsibility of employers, who forced the children to work
instead of sending them to school. He pleaded similarly for the
children of free Indian parents. Rich merchants could pay for their
education, he felt. Shankeranand was strongly opposed to missionary
schools because they insisted on Bible studies and were opposed if
not hostile to Hinduism. Primary education should be offered in the
vernacular with English being introduced from standard four. 77
In the beginning there were no signs
of disagreement between Gandhi and Shankeranand but this changed
within a year of the swami’s arrival. Why did the two disagree?
Gandhi’s broad interpretation of Hinduism irked the swami. It was
not so much that he disagreed with Gandhi’s call for unity between
Hindus and Muslims, but diverged with Gandhi’s interpretation of
Hinduism. Swami Shankeranand was ambivalent toward the Muslims. He
was behind the creation of the Indian Farmers’ Association in 1909
which encouraged Hindu farmers to boycott the Grey Street Mosque
Indian market because he felt it was monopolized by Muslim traders.
As Goolam Vahed points out, the swami certainly had
leadership ambitions and hoped to use economic rivalries among
Hindus and Muslims to realize them.78 He wrote a letter
to
Gandhi in 1909 pointing out the fundamental difference between
Hinduism and Islam.
Gandhi responded in 1910 by saying
that swami’s “sarcastic remarks about Islam” were against “the
spirit of Hinduism,” and labeled his behavior “expedient and
immoral.” Gandhi said, “If it is necessary to keep so much distance
between the Hindus and Mussalmans, then, Hindustan deserves to
remain slave.” Gandhi had faith in Hinduism’s broadly inclusive
spirit. He reiterated this during the Diwali festival by challenging
Hindus to reach out to non-Hindus as a sign of the respect they had
for the religious beliefs and customs of others. He said, “We are of
course a single nation of brothers as among ourselves. We should
regain that consciousness …. This will betoken our fraternal
relations and prove that we have become one nation.”79
At a KAM meeting at which Gandhi was
present, Swami Shankeranand called for unity and equality.80
In Pietermaritzburg, the swami was on hand to perform a religious
ceremony for the newly opened Natal Indian Traders.81 At
another KAM meeting, Swami Shankeranand was in the chair to honor
passive resisters who spoke of their experiences. He was, however,
critical about some aspect of the passive resistance campaign. The
mandal mildly rebuked him in a letter to the Natal Mercury,
“We are sorry that Swamiji made such comments and offered advice
to the people concerning the laws. But we do not think it likely
that a satyagrahi will abandon what he considers to be the
truth or give up his pledge because of such criticism.”82
Whatever else may have transpired
between them, it seems that the swami’s position had hardened by the
time he left South Africa in 1910. He seemed to have fallen out of
favor with the local authorities. In a move probably intended to
embarrass the swami, the police approached him in June 1910 for
payment of the poll tax. He was summoned to appear in the Durban
magistrate’s court when he failed to pay. Swami Shankeranand
explained that it was against his principle to do so “unless and
until I was taken under arrest” for committing “some heinous crime.”
It was “the greatest injustice” to ask him to pay the tax when he
had no profession. Besides, he was in Natal only temporarily. Better
sense prevailed at the colonial secretary’s office which agreed
with the swami.83
Swami Shankerand left South Africa and
returned in 1912. By this time, the breach with Gandhi was complete.
He considered Gandhi more of a “Tolstoyan” rather than “an absolute
Hindu,” and did not believe that he was really working in the
interests of poor Hindus.84 In May 1912, the swami was
invited as a guest of the South African Hindu Conference. The aim of
the organizers was to promote dialogue among the various Hindu
groups and foster unity. But the affair produced much bickering and
division. The swami took public issue with Gandhi’s approach to
Hinduism. As a result, the Tamil Benefit Society passed a vote of no
confidence in the swami, while Kimberley Hindus regretted his attack
on Gandhi.85 When the swami came again in
May 1913 with the purpose of promoting Hinduism, Gandhi wrote to Bhawani Dayal, “If the Swami is invited to the Hindu Conference or
if it seeks his support in any way, no sensible Hindu can
participate in it.”86
If some Hindus still continued to
place their trust in the swami, they may well have disagreed with
Gandhi’s untraditional approach to Hinduism. Udayshanker in
“Conversation between Two Friends,” the twenty-two-part novel
reproduced in Indian Opinion in 1911, complained that
Gandhi had not done as much as he could to promote Hinduism in the
traditional sense. His religious pluralism did not go down well for
some, although it made it possible for Gandhi to rise about rival
claims between Hindu groups and between Hindus and Muslims. In this,
he was inspired by the Jain belief that all visions of truth were
necessarily fragmentary. It served him well as a reformer who tried
to place his own stamp. As Margaret Chatterjee points out, Gandhi
sought to secure “practical exigencies of living together
peacefully.” She continues, “His own experience of living in a
multi-religious society ... provides a constant reminder that the
discussion of religious truth is not a mere theoretical matter but
has a direct bearing on how men behave towards each other,
bearing with each other’s credal and ‘observational’
differences, and that the whole question is in fact intimately
related to whether men of different persuasions can live
together in harmony or not.”87 It is in South Africa that
he began these experimentations even if it meant displeasing some of
his constituents.
References
-
Some references on Hinduism are:
C. J. Fuller’s The Camphor Flame: Popular Hinduism in India,
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992; Haberman, David
L., Journey Through the Twelve Forests: An Encounter with
Krishna, New York: Oxford University Press, 1994; N. S.
Ramaswami's Temples of South India, Madras: Maps &
Agencies, 1984. P. Pratap Kumar, Hindus in South Africa:
Their Traditions and Beliefs, Durban, 2000, argues that the
beliefs held in common by all Hindus are: reincarnation, one
divine reality, importance of dharma, belief in moksha,
acceptance of scriptures like the Vedas, Ramayana, and
Bhagavad Gita, and the observance of religious festivals
like Krishna Asthmee, Diwali, Ram Naumee, and Maha Shivrathri.
-
J. B. Brain, "Religion,
Missionaries and Indentured Indians," in Essays on Indentured
Indians in Natal, edited by Surendra Bhana, Leeds: Peepal
Tree Press, 1991, pp. 209-25. In a case reported in 1895, Gandhi
defended the right of 75 Indians employed by the NGR who wanted
to take a day off for religious festivals. CSO 3467/1895, NAR,
Pietermaritzburg. See also I 814/1896; CSO 2903/1896; I
814/1899; CSO 656/1908, NAR, Pietermaritzburg.
-
I 115/1904; IRD 779/1903, NAR,
Pietermaritzburg.
-
Buildings have a bearing on the
way communities organize space and the way they perceive the
world. This is a point well illustrated in a book by Yi-Fu Tuan,
Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience,
Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis, 1977. Visuality is
combined with culture and ethnicity. The Hindu term for temple
is vimaha or rath (a chariot), and so a temple is
a means by which one transports oneself to the divine. The
temple is also the abode of the deity, hence the sikhara
that rises up to the sky. The mandapam (main hall)
represents the heart (hrdaya) of the divine. See also
Fatima Meer, Portraits of Indian South Africans,
Durban, 1969, pp. 161, 160-78.
-
Meer, Portraits of
Indian South Africans, pp. 181-99, 201-10.
-
For a general background on the
Arya Samaj see: Shiv Kumar Gupta, Arya Samaj and the Raj,
1875-1920, New Delhi: Gitanjali Publishing House, 1991, and
Nardev Vedalanksr, Essential Teachings of Hinduism,
Durban, 1979, pp. 119-35.
-
Sources of information on
traditional Hindu temples are Paul Mikula, Brian Kearney, and
Rodney Harber, Traditional Hindu Temples in South Africa,
Durban, 1982, Alleyn Diesel and Patrick Maxwell, Hinduism in
Natal: A Brief Guide, Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal
Press, 1993, pp.13-14, Meer's Portrait, pp. 160-78, and
P. Pratap Kumar, Hindus in South Africa.
-
CSO 3760/1907 NAR,
Pietermaritzburg.
-
I 154/1910, I 1066/1910, I
2437/1910, NAR, Pietermaritzburg.
-
CSO 6259/1909, NAR,
Pietermaritzburg.
-
See T. Pillay, ed., Kavadi and
the Worship of Muruga, Durban: Occasional ISER publication
at University of Durban-Westville, 1987, Diesel and Maxwell,
Hinduism in Natal, pp. 42-47, and Hilda Kuper, Indian
People in Natal, Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal
Press, 1960, pp. 217-35. See also, Meer's Portrait,
pp.150-55, and Kumar, Hindus in South Africa, 65-67.
-
Mikula et al,
Traditional Hindu Temples in South Africa; Kumar, Hindus
in South Africa, 18-21.
-
Ibid.
-
Kuper, Indian People in Natal,
p.280. The relevant pages are 217-35, 236-61and 280-93.
-
Parts of this chapter were
published in Surendra Bhana’s “Natal’s Traditional Temples in
the 19th and early 20th centuries,” in
Hindu Diaspora: Global Perspectives, edited by T. S. Rukmani,
Montreal: Concordia University’s Hindu Studies, 1999, pp.
289-305.
-
Indian Opinion (IO)
10/29/1910, 11/5/1910.
-
Ibid., 11/11/1911,
11/5/1913, 11/12/1913, 10/7/1911.
-
Ibid., 8/5/1911, 8/26/1911,
12/2/1911.
-
Colonial Indian News,
9/13/1901.
-
IO 3/17/1904.
-
Ibid., 9/17/1904. See also
IO 10/1/1904, 4/8/1905, 4/22/1905.
-
Ibid., 10/22/1904.
-
Ibid., 11/28/1908.
-
Ibid., 3/26/1910.
-
Ibid., 4/4/1908.
-
Ibid., 8/27/1910.
-
Ibid., 4/30/1910.
-
Ibid., 5/3/1913,
5/17/1913.
-
Ibid., 11/10/1906,
11/17/1906, 5/30/1908, 1/11/1908.
-
Ibid., 6/22/1907;
Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (CWMG), vol. 7, pp.
48-49.
-
IO 3/9/1907.
-
Ibid., IO, 6/29/1907,
3/16/1907, 5/4/1907, 8/24/1907, 8/31/1907, 10/19/1907,
26/10/1907, 11/23/1907, 12/14/1907, 12/28/1907, 1/11/1908.
-
Ibid., 9/14/1907, 9/7/1907.
-
Ibid., 4/11/1908.
-
Ibid., 3/7/1908.
-
Ibid., 5/16/1908,
6/27/1908, 8/1/1908, 8/15/1908, 7/25/1908, African Chronicle,
7/25/1908.
-
IO 2/26/1910, 3/26/1910,
4/2/1910, 4/9/1910, 5/14/1910.
-
Ibid., 4/9/1910, 5/7/1910.
-
Ibid., 3/22/1908,
3/28/1908.
-
The other office bearers were: S.
K. Pather, Anand Rai, P. S. Aiyar, C. V. Pillay, B. Meghraj, S.
Doorasamy Pillay, C. K. D. Pillay, Siroomal, Shelat, R. W.
Moodley, R. Moodly, and P. S. Singh. Ibid.,
9/22/1906.
-
Ibid., 2/16/1907.
-
Ibid., 7/24/1909.
-
Ibid., 6/11/1910.
-
Others who held office were: S. P.
Pillay, R. C. Naidoo, R. M. Naidoo, M. Killavalla, S. D. Pillay,
B. Purmaser, T. Vallo, V. M. Pillay, V. S. C. Pather, P. G.
Padiachy, P. G. Naicker, T. M. Naicker, and K. R. Naidoo.
Ibid., 5/4/1907, 5/11/1907, 5/25/1907; African Chronicle,
1/22/1910.
-
IO 10/10/1908, 10/17/1908.
-
The women were V. R. Moodaley,
Vinden, C. Nulliah, N. K.Naidoo, T. Naicker, John Thomas, R.
Pillay, M. Reddy, and Nadasa Pather. Ibid., 8/ 1/1908.
-
Ibid., 6/18/1910,
7/16/1910, 8/27/1910.
-
Ibid., 4/4/1908,
4/11/1908.
-
Ibid., 5/2/1908, 5/16/1908,
5/29/1909, 11/26/1910.
-
Ibid., 1/15/1910,
10/31//08, 5/9/1908.
-
Ibid., 9/14/1907,
9/21/1907, 6/4/1910, 11/12/1910.
-
Ibid., 11/12/1910,
11/19/1910, 12/31/1910, 10/8/1910, 10/22/1910.
-
Ibid., 10/22/1910.
-
Ibid., 8/24/1907.
-
Ibid., 9/19/08.
-
Ibid., 1/18/1913.
-
Ibid., 8/6/1910, 9/10/1910,
9/17/1910, 7/9/1910, 7/2/1910, 10/8/1910.
-
Ibid., 11/4/1911, 10/5/07,
8/24/07, 1/18/1908, 3/21/1908, 12/10/1910, 12/17/1910.
-
Ibid., 7/27/1912.
-
Ibid., 4/9/1910.
-
Ibid., 11/7/08, 12/26/08.
-
Ibid., 12/1/1906.
-
Ibid., 6/13/1908.
-
Ibid., 8/27/1910,
10/22/1910.
-
Ibid., 8/6/1910,
8/16/1913.
-
Ibid., 8/24/07, 2/29/1908,
10/20/1906, 9/17/1910, 10/1/1910, 11/12/1910, 7/6/1912,
10/12/1912, 12/7/1912.
-
Ibid., 3/23/1912.
-
Ibid., 4/12/1913.
-
Ibid., 2/10/1912,
3/23/1912, 5/11/1912, 11/23/1912, 6/3/1914.
-
Ibid., 4/4/1908, 6/20/1908,
7/25/1908, 1/2/1909, 4/10/1909, 8/7/1909, 4/9/1910, 10/8/1910,
10/12/1912.
-
Shiv Kumar Gupta, Arya Samaj
and the Raj, 1875-1920, New Delhi: Gitanjali Publishing
House, 1991, pp. 119-20; Ibid., 8/12/1905, 10/7/1905,
10/28/1905, 11/4/1905, 11/11/1905, 11/18/1905, 12/2/1905,
12/30/1905, 3/10/1906
-
Ibid., 3/21/1908,
3/28/1908, 5/23/1908, 6/20/1908.
-
Ibid., 10/17/908,
10/24/1908, 11/7/1908, 11/14/08, 11/21/1908, 11/28/1908,
12/5/1908, 12/19/08, 12/26/08. African Chronicle,
10/10/1908, 12/5/1908.
-
IO 1/2/1909, 1/9/1909.
-
The names of the seven who were
expelled were: V. K. Sabbah, V. R. Pillay, R. S. Pillay, K.
Pillay, A. S. Padayachee, M. K. Pillay, and Mooruga Chetty.
Ibid., 1/16/1909, 1/30/1909, 2/13/1909, 2/27/1909,
3/13/1909, 3/22/1909, 4/3/1909, 4/10/1909, 6/5/1909.
-
Ibid., 9/24/1909.
-
Ibid., 8/7/1909.
Shankeranand continued to speak on the need for formal education
for Indian children. African Chronicle, 2/19/1910.
-
Goolam Vahed, “Swami Shankeranand
and the Consolidation of Hinduism in Natal, 1908-1914,”Journal
for the Study of Religion, 10:2(August 2002):3-35.
-
IO 10/29/1910, CWMG,
vol. 10, 341-42.
-
IO 2/26/1910.
-
Ibid., 6/4/1910.
-
Ibid., 6/18/1910,
6/25/1910, 7/2/1910. See also Raojibhai M Patel, The Making
of the Mahatma, Ahmedabad, 1990.
-
NAR CSO 2602 C 40/1910.
Shankeranand to Plowman, n.d.; C. Bird to Acting Secretary of
Interior, 20/6/1910.
-
African Chronicle,
5/18/1912, 6/8/1912, 6/15/1912, 6/22/1912, 7/6/1912.
-
Ibid.
-
CWMG, vol. 12, p. 70.
-
Emphasis is in the original. See
Margaret Chatterjee, Gandhi’s Religious Thought, Notre
Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1983, p. 8.
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